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![Figure 7. Plan of Achuzat Beit, 1909 (Source: S. Avraham [63]).](profile/Rachel-Kallus/publication/233046801/figure/fig5/AS:667657724493840@1536193414997/Plan-of-Achuzat-Beit-1909-Source-S-Avraham-63_Q320.jpg)
The typical Tel-Aviv ‘house’ and its resulting urbanscape are the products of the convergence between the plan prepared for Tel-Aviv in 1925 by Patrick Geddes, advanced architecture practice brought to Palestine by European trained Jewish architects, and social, economic and political realities regulating the developing city during the British Mand...
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... Неизвестно, какова была реакция сионистов на эти предложения, известно лишь, что первый план города в Палестине, предложенный в 1925 г. и разработанный в 1927-1929 гг. для Тель-Авива шотландским социологом Патриком Геддесом (утверждён в 1932 г.), имел характер города-сада [34], который предлагал Диканский. Планирование городов для всей страны было осуществлено в СССР, однако, с одной стороны (в столичных городах) было подчинено идеологии («показ достижений социализма»), с другой (промышленные города) подчинялось исключительно интересам производства и принципу минимально допустимых затрат на всё остальное, при этом идея о каких-то обществах друзей родного города никому в голову не приходила -за полной в них ненадобностью и даже неуместностью. ...
The article considers some priorities in today’s presentation of the history of the emergence of urban science in pre-revolutionary Russia. The author made an attempt consistently identify misconceptions and misunderstandings that accompany the description of the personality of the brightest, but also the most unknown representative from the galaxy of pioneers of the theory of urban planning in Russia, Mikhail Grigoryevich Dikansky. Using previously established facts, newly opened archival materials and Dikansky’s works, the author formulates Dikansky’s biography. Some of the materials, including Dikansky’s article “City Plan and Housing Problem”, which has not lost its relevance to present day, are first published in modern scientific literature.
... see Glauser, 2017). In general, as mentioned above, Israel's planning norms, SULQFLSOHV DQG FRGHV KDYH EHHQ LQÁXHQFHG by a mix of European (mostly British and German) planning ideas, models and approaches (Hysler-Rubin, 2006;Kallus, 1997;Kolodney and Kallus, 2008;Nitzan-Shiftan, 2011;Wilkof, 2016). In the case of Jerusalem, %ULWLVK WRZQ SODQQHUV LQWURGXFHG WKH ÀUVW modern city plans which have had great in-ÁXHQFH RQ WKH FLW\ :KLOH WKH %ULWLVK UXOH RYHU Palestine ended in 1948, their planning legacy FRQWLQXHV WR LQÁXHQFH JURZWK DQG SUHVHUYDtion trajectories of the city (Efrat, 1993;Efrat and Noble, 1988). ...
Introduced by British planners, height restrictions were a key planning principle that shaped modern Jerusalem in the last century, making tall buildings largely uncommon and exceptional in the city. However, since the turn of the century, and similar to other European cities, a new municipal entrepreneurial agenda has fervently promoted a more permissive planning policy. Using numerous planning documents, media coverage, and interviews, we argue that the hegemony of a recent growth-dominant agenda has intentionally toned down fierce polemics and disputation that characterized previous rounds of high-rise planning in Jerusalem. As a result, the legitimacy of the public to influence decision-making and their capacity to participate meaningfully in the planning arena has been significantly curtailed. By tampering with transparency and impairing public accountability, the development of tall buildings thus epitomizes the lack of a true democratic debate.
... Current research identifies Geddes' work in Tel Aviv as embodying humanistic (Marom, 2013) and rational principles. These ideas led Geddes to envision a utopian garden suburb in which built form and nature are married to create a livable environment where people can thrive (Kallus, 1997;Mann, 2006). Geddes also portrayed a societal utopia, where a cohesive community lives, works, and recreates (Geddes, 1909, p.56). ...
... The Geddesian grid gave birth to a second morphological feature in Geddes' plan-the urban block (also called the 'home block'), which functioned as a building block of the plan (Kallus, 1997). Geddes' block included narrower (minor) streets that gave access to the dwellings and public spaces which were inserted inside the block (Payton, 1995). ...
... This is why Geddes rejected attempts to erect a large port on its coast. However, critics argue that Geddes' plan failed to harness the sea as an important resource in the city (Kallus, 1997). ...
The paper examines Sir Geddes' impact on contemporary city planning in Tel Aviv. In particular, whether and in what way previous work by Geddes has influenced 21st century planners in Tel Aviv. The paper reviews those issues by looking at one of the most ambitious plans the city of Tel Aviv has generated in recent years-the 2015 "Northwestern Plan".In the winter of 2015, the new plan was enacted. The plan aims to create a new residential quarter on one of the last remaining sand dunes. This represents an attempt to create a mixed-use extension of the 1925 Geddes Plan for Tel Aviv by establishing a new district filled with expansive boulevards, parks, and public spaces. While the municipal authorities regarded the recently enacted plan as a successful adaptation of Geddes' urban vision, antagonists perceived it as a publicity stunt, designed to brand the new district. The article explores these arguments, analyzes the social, economic and morphological principles embedded in the new plan, and compares them to those employed by Geddes 90 years ago. The analysis reveals that the original plan compiled by Geddes still serves as a relevant commodity for city planners, and as an inspirational source. 21st century planners involved in enacting the new plan turned to Geddes for inspiration however it remains questionable whether his ideology, civic principles, and conceptual approach to the city were fully realized in the new plan.
... During the years of British rule , Tel Aviv developed into Palestine's largest city (Troen, 2003). Tel Aviv's street pattern was laid out according to a master plan drawn up by Sir Patrick Geddes in 1925, and from the 1930s most residential neighborhoods were distinguished by houses built in the International modernist architectural style (Kallus, 1997;Marom, 2009;Payton, 1995). ...
In this article, I analyze Tel Aviv’s Rothschild Boulevard as an example of an urban symbol and suggest that while main streets, avenues and boulevards are usually perceived as integral parts of the urban symbolic ecology, they are rarely considered as exclusive urban icons in their own right. Although prestige of “privileged” streets influences reputations of cities and constitutes an important part of their imaginary, their complicated physical structure and multifunctional character conflict with their iconic status. The physical nature of streets resists configuration and articulation as exclusive, durable urban icons because symbols are generally conspicuous physical objects that can be directly interpreted and rendered as iconic.
... to north, criss-crossed by smaller 'home ways', with introverted residential blocks of small houses and private gardens. These qualities, although greatly modified in later years, were to create a residential area distinct from the existing city in its spatial order, decreased density, public spaces and gardens, and overall quality of life (Kallus, 1997;Welter, 2009) (see figure 1). ...
This paper draws on Pierre Bourdieu's notion of 'principles of vision and division' to conceptualize the role of urban planning in processes of sociospatial differentiation and distinction. Planning, through its classification schemes and specific methodologies (such as zoning), mediates the long-term processes by which the divisions and hierarchies of social space are inscribed and reproduced in urban space. The paper develops this conceptual framework within a historically specific urban setting, analyzing Tel Aviv's planning and development across several periods, from the 1920s to the 1950s. It examines Tel Aviv's constitutive plans in a wider political, social, and cultural context, including colonial development, modernism, the Jewish-Arab ethnonational conflict and consecutive migrations to Palestine and Israel. The analysis highlights how urban planning in each period applied and mediated different visions and divisions to shape the sociospatial distinction between Tel Aviv, Jaffa, and the city's 'slums' and 'periphery'. In conclusion, the paper suggests some general contours of planning as vision and division to inform planning theory and urban research more widely, in historical and contemporary contexts.
... Architects at the time decried the loss of open space and the dense concentration of houses caused by the plot by plot application of the plan, which did not allow for the creation of large semi-private spaces. Later critics saw in the application the triumph of 'petit bourgeois' mentality over modernist socialist ideals(Kallus, 1997). This may be true, but at the time the concentrated power and capital needed to create the grand visions of modernists were unavailable, and most of the funds of the Zionist movement were used to develop agricultural settlement and not the city. ...
In July 2003 the "White City of Tel-Aviv" was designated by UNESCO a world heritage site. The designation is based on the following five characteristics of the area (Municipality of Tel-Aviv – Jaffa, undated): The White City contains the largest concentration in the world of Early International Style buildings; the preservation zone is noted for the size, coherence and homogeneous nature of its urban pattern; the preservation zone is located in the core of the Tel Aviv Metropolitan Area – a center of urban activity, and is exposed to the eyes of thousands of residents and daily visitors, in contrast to International Style areas in other countries, which are usually situated in the city's periphery; the White City is a showcase of many stylistic variations reflecting all the trends in Early European Modernism in the beginning of the 20 th century, the area uniquely demonstrates a synergetic confluence of a high quality urban plan designed by Sir Patrick Geddes and good Modern architecture, both still preserving many of their authentic features. The declaration is the culmination of more than 20 years of effort by the planning department of the City of Tel-Aviv and the conservation movement in Israel to transform an area, and buildings, that in the 1970's were still considered run-down relics to be erased and renewed, into a cultural asset to be conserved and protected and given new life. At the core of this transformation lies the crisis of central values of Israeli society, and its national identity. Values that from the mid 1970's begin their transformation from what one might call a revolutionary modern mode, to a post-modern, complex, and more conservative mode. This has been pointed out by several critiques of the conservation movement, the particulars of the area to be designated, and its conservation plan. Moreover, the whole effort must also be seen, as was the very planning and building of Tel-Aviv, as part of the changes in global planning and architectural culture, and the rise of the conservation movement in Europe and the
... (Geddes, 1925, p. 47) The core of his plan was the urban block, with its fruit garden in the front yard and vegetable patch in the back yard. In addition, Geddes wanted to establish allotments on the city outskirts and to create botanical gardens, boulevards, and extensive parks within the city (Kallus, 1997). ...
In the early 20th century, the Hebrew women in Palestine found the fulfillment of their economic, social, and emotional needs in gardening. Their gardens were women's means of shaping their surroundings, mainly in the family sphere but also in the community sphere (school and kindergarten gardens, kibbutz gardens). The project was an outcome of the shared interests of pioneer women, city dwellers, and Jewish women's organizations, which differed in their social status and life goals, yet shared a common fertile ground. Through the investigation of primary and secondary sources that deal with women, gardens and the history of the Zionist settlement in Palestine, this paper argues that planting gardens was the Hebrew women's modest way of creating a ‘space of their own’, where they nurtured and fostered beauty, productivity, self-esteem, mutual help and friendship, while overcoming class distinction. Meanwhile, in planting gardens, women gained a share in the Zionist nation-building project, which was primarily male dominated.
... The guiding principles of the city layout include efficient land use, reduced commuting distances, mixed land uses, reduced consumption of energy and water, variety of housing options, and affordability. Based on Patrick Geddes's concepts of 'garden city design', the residential and commercial sector of the city are constructed around the idea of accessible residential blocks connected by short inner streets for use by pedestrians and bicyclists and wider local streets for traverse by public transportation vehicles [12]. Buildings are limited to three stories in height, with between four and eight households per building. ...
A sustainable city is one that relates its use of resources and its generation and disposal of wastes to the limits imposed on such activities by the planet and its organisms. Drawing upon a study that proposes quantifiable urban actions related to sustainability, we designed three cities with common characteristics but in different geographical and climatic regions (Vietnam, Namibia, Serbia & Montenegro). The intent of the designs is to maintain sustainability as the city evolves over a 20-year period. Several lessons emerge from these case studies: (1) The imposition of quantitative sustainability requirements poses no substantial barriers to the design of workable cities over a range of quite different geographic and climatic conditions; (2) Accommodating evolution is important to sustainable city design; a city can potentially be sustainable at some stages of its evolution but not others; (3) Cities can never be designed and built as totally isolated systems, so sustainable design is ultimately a hierarchical exercise with cities at a low level and the entire planet at the top of a multilevel system, each element of which must contribute to its sustainability.
... The spatial expansion took place quickly. It was carried out by private developers, who were mainly concerned with the immediate needs and to profit from the new settlements (Kallus, 1997). ...
1 and nationalism this paper reveals the unique role played by urban design in the demarcation of the political-spatial order in Tel Aviv. European urban design concepts have been adjusted to the local context in this city, in order to gain 'right to possession of the place'. Specifically this study focuses on the exploration of urban design schemes and ideas along Rothschild Boulevards in different historical periods. The investigation into the Boulevards looked at the process of development of the route, the regimes within which it took place and the means and actors involved in two periods, the 1920-30s and the 1980-90s. Tel Aviv and, in particular, the area of the Boulevards has been transformed to accommodate modernisation and to attract investment. Modern high rise 'icons of progress' and expensive conservation projects have replaced the original housing along the route. The exploration into the historical development of the Boulevards and the city allowed the understanding of the role of urban design not only in the demarcation of spatial order but also in the socio-political structure of Tel Aviv and Israel. The investigation suggested that urban design was an active actor in developing the Boulevards as part of the national political economy managed by the city leadership. Moreover, the analysis of this particular case-study allowed the discussion of urban identity and meaning, understanding urban design as socio- cultural conduct. The idea of glocality illustrates that the use of the city as an economic-national asset is unavoidable but that it must include conceptualisation of the local context. Current time and space creates hybridities of all kinds, however, this does not guarantee multi-cultural or more humanistic approaches to space.
... Although the Hadar planÐ allowin g for ample green spaces in the form of public parks and footpaths, and the division of the built-up area into lots ® t for detached housesÐ promotes the garden neighbourhood idea, the housing type, advanced by a later building phase, has greatly altered the basic spirit of the plan. As in the case of the development of the Tel Aviv housing type (see Kallus, 1997), the Hadar housing type is shaped by private developers operating in the free market, responding to the housing demands and availabilit y of private capital of immigrants escaping Nazi Europe. This uncontrolled free-market development has produced a discrepancy between a garden neighbourhood plan, promoting a clear distinction between public (collective ) space and private (individual) territories, and the realizatio n of an environment having unclear boundaries between public and private domains. ...
... 12. For further discussion of the housing type and its development, see Kallus (1997). It is interesting to note that, despite the apparent difference in physical context between Hadar and the central part of Tel Aviv, derived mainly from topographical and geographical differences, we ® nd in these two areas, planned and developed during the same period, a surprisingly similar housing type. ...
Urban designers, perceiving the city mainly as a morphological phenomenon, are primarily concerned with the sensory, and particularly with the visual, qualities of urban space. This view of the city as a spatial physical structure requires abstraction, to enable comprehension of the complexity and continuity of the urban space, its transparency and its indeterminacy. However, this abstraction often fails to take into account the properties of the city as a place of habitation, ignoring the sociocultural specificities of its different users. The paper attempts to take urban design beyond this abstraction, which is so indifferent to the human element, towards a more concrete and specific approach. It calls for a shift in the rather theoretical postmodern interest in the urban space, important though it is in its morphological inclusiveness, to embody a pluralistic subjective perception of the space and its use, bearing in mind fundamental relationships between space and social processes.
