Table 1 - uploaded by Marlene Mauk
Content may be subject to copyright.
Source publication
The expectation that authoritarian regimes can have a "legacy" effect on political culture in newly established democracies seems plausible, but it does rely heavily on a central assumption: that political cultures in authoritarian regimes actually differ from political cultures in democratic regimes. This assumption, however, has not yet received...
Contexts in source publication
Context 1
... (2011 and 2013). Table 1 gives an overview of the political systems in the sample and their respective regime types. In total, the sample contains 60 democratic and 43 authoritarian regimes, 33 of which are electoral authoritarian regimes and ten of which are closed authoritarian regimes (five monarchies, three personalist regimes, and two single-party regimes). ...
Context 2
... expectation would then be to have a positive effect of democracies -indicating that citizens in democracies have more democratic political value orientations than citizens in electoral authoritarian regimes -and to have a negative effect of closed authoritarian regimes -indicating that citizens in closed authoritarian regimes have less democratic value orientations than citizens in electoral authoritarian regimes. Table 5: Multi-level models on the effects of electoral authoritarian rule model 12: vertical accountability model 13: political pluralism model 14: reject single-party rule intercept 0.704 (0.186) *** 0.912 (0.162) *** 0.638 (0.189) *** system-level variables regime type (ref: electoral authoritarianism) democracy 0.037 (0.031) 0.076 (0.035) * 0.033 (0.020) closed auth. regimes 0.065 (0.047) -0.116 (0.066) -0.223 (0.157) GDP/capita (logged) -0.032 (0.031) -0.058 (0.029) * 0.019 (0.033) avg. ...
Context 3
... addition, the results emphasize that not only the type but also the durability of the authoritarian predecessor regime is likely to matter as more long-standing regimes have mostly had a stronger effect on their citizens' political value orientations. Table A-1: Question wordings question wording harmonized response scale complete ...
Citations
... However, an ironic consequence of this coping mechanism is that the attitudes and behaviors of withdrawal that protect populations from the violent consequences of anti-system protest also turn out to be implicit support for existing sociopolitical arrangements, since it allows oppressive regimes to persist for decades. Thus, in these regimes, the political status quo could be considered as the result of citizens' authoritarian socialization [37], inducing political alienation as a strategy to avoid the sanctions incurred against any transgression of norms and political benchmarks imposed by the institutional authorities. Indeed, the tendency of authoritarian regimes towards brutal, even lethal repression of anti-system social movements is a tactic aimed at generating an atmosphere of terror responsible for the demobilization of dissident forces and therefore the maintenance of the socio-political status quo [38]. ...
The paradox of political alienation as a social and scientific phenomenon is that, if on the social level it has remained a topical subject, perceptible through many citizens' non-participation in formalized political activities, on the scientific level, on the other hand, it has experienced a long period of hibernation over several decades. Despite the recent revival of academic interest in this construct, methodological and theoretical gaps are perceptible. These relate respectively to the absence of a standardized instrument allowing it to be evaluated and to the fact that the data available until then, and which underlie the theoretical propositions on this construct, have been exclusively collected in democratic contexts, excluding authoritarian contexts, within which citizens' disaffection for political activities is nevertheless a remarkable fact. This research aims to fill these gaps, through two studies carried out in Cameroon; an authoritarian democracy where institutional authoritarianism generates, among populations, a model of behavior consistent with the manifestations of political alienation. Study 1 (N= 1184) proposes a psychometric measure to assess individuals' tendencies towards political alienation. The data collected provide satisfactory empirical evidence of its factorial and confirmatory structure, internal consistency, as well as convergent and discriminant validity. Study 2 (N= 513) focuses on the link between perceived official terror and political alienation. It provides support for the hypothesis that perceived official terror generates political alienation in the context of authoritarian democracy. The theoretical and empirical implications of political alienation in the context of authoritarian democracy are discussed.
... Under authoritarianism, even though violence and terror substitute democratic accountability and responsiveness, the existence of a conventional set of principles implies that autocracies also need some sort of legitimacy (Morgenbesser 2016;Mauk 2017). Coercion alone exerts too high a price, privilege cannot reach all the population and economic growth is not permanent (von Soest and Grauvogel 2015). ...
... Basically, it is argued that value orientations differ between different types of regimes. Hence, the political culture of authoritarianism is opposed to that of democracies (Mujani and Liddle 2013;Mauk 2017). ...
... If personality is formed at micro-level context (family), political culture is transmitted at the macro-level context (those outside the immediate family) through so-called 'institutional learning' or 'value diffusion' through individuals' experiences of the political system and its values and principles (Quintelier and van Deth 2014;Peffley and Rohrschneider 2003). For example, by experiencing the realities of a one-party regime and government censorship, individuals may learn that political hegemony and uniformity of opinion are accepted political principles (Mauk 2017). ...
Sub-Saharan Africa is the region where democracy has encountered the most difficulties in establishing itself, where the most military coups have occurred and, in addition, where public demonstrations of support on the streets are common after a coup d’état. In fact, the last 15 years has seen growing popular support for military rule. This study aims to analyse the underlying reasons for the public approval of military rule in Africa. Two main explanatory theories are contrasted: the institutional performance approach versus the cultural approach. The research takes the form of a quantitative analysis, making extensive use of survey data to analyse the factors that explain the support for military rule in eleven African countries. The results indicate that in Sub-Saharan Africa institutional performance and authoritarian personality and values, are the main factors driving societal support for military rule.
