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Counterfactual Korea and Vietnam CIRCA 1968. Note: Maps are not to scale. Source: Free Blank Outline Maps of the Countries and Continents of the World, available at http://geography.about.com/library/blank/blxindex.htm, accessed 15 Dec. 2007.
Source publication
This paper compares the failures and successes of nation-building in South Korea, South Vietnam, Philippines, and Thailand between 1954 and 1991. The primary argument is that several key elements of Cold War geopolitics interacted with each other, and the unique external and internal politics of each regime, to create divergent frameworks and margi...
Context in source publication
Context 1
... it is reasonable to argue that geography, as a critical element of geopolitics, helped shape their respective parameters for nation-building. To illustrate this problem Figure 2 presents a counterfactual map of the two states circa 1968, the year of the Tet Offensive, that turns Vietnam into a peninsula and Korea into a coastal state flanked by 'Laos' 'Cambodia' and 'Thailand' to the west. ...
Citations
... In addition, the post-World War II era was characterised by various proxy wars (e.g. in Ethiopia, Somalia, Panama, Grenada and Nicaragua), in which the United States -officially or unofficially -contributed to nation-building efforts (e.g. Linantud 2008, Miller 2011, Ottaway 2008. ...
This book presents a synthesis of key recent advances in political-economy research on the various approaches and strategies used in the process of building nations throughout modern history. It features chapters written by leading scholars who describe the findings of their quantitative analyses of the risks and benefits of different nation-building policies. The book is comprised of 26 chapters organised into six sections, each focusing on a different aspect of nation building. The first chapter presents a unified framework for assessing nation-building policies, highlights potential challenges that may arise, provides a summary of each of the other chapters, and draws out the main lessons from them. The following chapters delve into the importance of social interactions for national identification, the role of education, propaganda and leadership, external interventions and wars, and the effects of representation and redistribution. The book offers a nuanced understanding of effective nation-building policies.
... Generally, the existence of two ideologies at one time often creates conflicts. History proves that in the global context, the presence of liberalcapitalist and communist ideologies caused the Cold War between countries with liberal-capitalist ideologies and countries with communist ideologies (Linantud 2008;Max 2014). In a narrower context, the ideological differences that occurred in Germany between liberal-capitalist and fascist ideologies caused the German state to be divided into East Germany and West Germany (Becker, Mergele & Woessmann 2020;Eder & Halla 2018). ...
The Qur’an and Pancasila are two sources of Indonesian values that are existentially different from each other. Despite the difference, they both factually could walk in harmony, and it is important to seek the similarities and differences between them. This article presents the systematic, substantive, and functional reasons for how they could work altogether by looking at the similarities and differences in anatomy, taxonomy, substance, and function of each component of the Qur’an and Pancasila. Utilizing a naturalistic approach with content analysis genre, the writers collected the data from various documents, including; manuscripts of the Qur’an, Pancasila, speeches of the founding fathers of Indonesia, and the previous research results using document recording sheets. The collected data were analyzed through content analysis techniques and displayed in pictures and tables. The results showed: (1) the anatomy of the Qur’an consists of four components, namely: divinity, law, history, and story, while the anatomy of Pancasila only consists of a law component; (2) the taxonomy of the Qur’an is intersected with one another, while the taxonomy of Pancasila is stratified. The values in all components are generally the same, and the divine value is the primary value. The taxonomy of values in Pancasila is degraded and systemic, with the divine value as the main value / encompassing other values (prima causa); (3) the Qur’an’s substance covers all life dimensions while the dimensions of Pancasila are limited to law. One of the essential points in this section is that Pancasila makes the Qur’an a source of value; (4) the Qur’an is partially or holistically functional while Pancasila is holistically functional. Therefore, componential and substantial, the Qur’an and Pancasila have similarities, while structurally and functionally, they are different. Contribution: The results of this study described a systematic sequence, substantive relationships and functional pattern between the Qur’an and Pancasila. These research findings are expected to reduce misunderstandings among the Indonesian people about the Qur’an and Pancasila.
... Generally, the existence of two ideologies at one time often creates conflicts. History proves that in the global context, the presence of liberalcapitalist and communist ideologies caused the Cold War between countries with liberal-capitalist ideologies and countries with communist ideologies (Linantud 2008;Max 2014). In a narrower context, the ideological differences that occurred in Germany between liberal-capitalist and fascist ideologies caused the German state to be divided into East Germany and West Germany (Becker, Mergele & Woessmann 2020;Eder & Halla 2018). ...
The Qur’an and Pancasila are two sources of Indonesian values that are existentially different from each other. Despite the difference, they both factually could walk in harmony, and it is important to seek the similarities and differences between them. This article presents the systematic, substantive, and functional reasons for how they could work altogether by looking at the similarities and differences in anatomy, taxonomy, substance, and function of each component of the Qur’an and Pancasila. Utilizing a naturalistic approach with content analysis genre, the writers collected the data from various documents, including; manuscripts of the Qur’an, Pancasila, speeches of the founding fathers of Indonesia, and the previous research results using document recording sheets. The collected data were analyzed through content analysis techniques and displayed in pictures and tables. The results showed: (1) the anatomy of the Qur’an consists of four components, namely: divinity, law, history, and story, while the anatomy of Pancasila only consists of a law component; (2) the taxonomy of the Qur’an is intersected with one another, while the taxonomy of Pancasila is stratified. The values in all components are generally the same, and the divine value is the primary value. The taxonomy of values in Pancasila is degraded and systemic, with the divine value as the main value / encompassing other values (prima causa); (3) the Qur’an’s substance covers all life dimensions while the dimensions of Pancasila are limited to law. One of the essential points in this section is that Pancasila makes the Qur’an a source of value; (4) the Qur’an is partially or holistically functional while Pancasila is holistically functional. Therefore, componential and substantial, the Qur’an and Pancasila have similarities, while structurally and functionally, they are different.
Contribution: The results of this study described a systematic sequence, substantive relationships and functional pattern between the Qur’an and Pancasila. These research findings are expected to reduce misunderstandings among the Indonesian people about the Qur’an and Pancasila.
... From a U.S. perspective, the latter two cases were considered failures as both countries entered the Soviet sphere of influence. In addition, the post-WWII era was characterized by various proxy wars (e.g., Ethiopia, Somalia, Panama, Grenada, Nicaragua), in which the U.S.-officially or unofficially-contributed to nation-building efforts (e.g., Linantud, 2008;Miller, 2011Miller, , 2013Ottaway, 2008). ...
This chapter discusses the role of military interventionism and aid in nation-building. We argue that (1) intervention strategies of foreign actors like the United States often unfavorably interact with local institutional settings , which (2) produces undesired outcomes not only for the target country of foreign intervention but also the intervening power. In line with these main findings, we also provide insights from our own empirical work (Dimant et al., 2022) showing that U.S. military aid has not been successful in enhancing military capacity in the recipient countries of military aid, but has rather contributed to exclusion and corruption. These unfavorable effects are, in turn, likely to produce anti-American resentment.
... Nonetheless, the rebellion's threat to the national government was kept at bay; thus, the countryside discontent that the Huks manifested earlier only festered, enabling the legitimization of the necessity for state challenge. In the 1960s, the same pattern of insurgencies by the communists in Luzon and later the Muslims in Mindanao did not pose a threat significant enough to stimulate national reform (Linantud, 2008). Under the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos, these weak threats were exaggerated to rationalize regime change, and a new authoritarian government was built on the idea of the New Society that rebuffed communism and democracy, which the United States supported. ...
The twentieth century saw the launch of nation-building projects in Southeast Asia. Backdropped by colonialism, world wars, wars of independence, and the Cold War, it is undeniable that the war experiences of these nations played a role in shaping national myths that legitimized and rationalized their respective states. However, there is a marked variance among the countries’ use of their war pasts to visualize their nations. Why is war memorialization emphasized, suppressed, highlighted, or relegated by the state? What makes one war more memorialized than the other? This dissertation investigated the war memorialization and nation-building projects of three pro-Western, anti-communist Southeast Asian countries of the twentieth century: the Philippines, Thailand, and Singapore, by analyzing the production contexts and visual semiotic resources of their numerous state-sponsored war monuments and memorials. It is argued that the use and abuse, promotion and relegation, and official remembering and forgetting of war memories follow the hegemonic dictates of the state. National monuments and memorials illustrate a distinct memory and heritage politics that reflected the state’s decision to silence or highlight remembrance as a matter of international and domestic politics and agenda. For many Southeast Asian countries, these domestic and international objectives are crucial as they emerge as states internally legitimized and externally poised to claim their place in the international order.
... From a U.S. perspective, the latter two cases were considered failures as both countries entered the Soviet sphere of influence. In addition, the post-WWII era was characterized by various proxy wars (e.g., Ethiopia, Somalia, Panama, Grenada, Nicaragua), in which the U.S.-officially or unofficially-contributed to nation-building efforts (e.g., Linantud, 2008;Miller, 2011Miller, , 2013Ottaway, 2008). ...
... It not only 'explains the foreign and security policy of great powers, but can also account for the distinctive characteristics of regional and small powers, developing countries, or divided warring or failed states to mention a few other types of states' (Lobell 2009, 43). Since Rose (1998) coined the term neoclassical realism, it has been applied to explaining the historical trajectories of great powers, causes of wars, behaviours of rising and regional powers, etc. (Cha 2000;Hadfield 2010;Juneau 2015;Kitchen 2010;Linantud 2008;Marsh 2014;Onea 2012;Schweller 2018;Steinsson 2017). ...
With China’s continuous rise and growing external commercial, strategic, and political endeavours, questions have arisen about the motivation, timing, and locale of China’s outreaching strategies. This research analyzes China’s overseas port investments through a comparative study of Greece and Pakistan, two important partners of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Adopting the neoclassical realist framework and drawing on expert interviews, official statistics, and policy documents, this paper reveals how China’s economic security objectives in combination with changing geopolitical structures led to its external port investments. This research contributes to the studies on rising powers and geopolitics by showing how China as a rising power capitalizes on geopolitical opportunities created by the changing interests of dominant powers to expand its presence in strategically important regions.
... Posed as a risk to the stabilization of boundary disputes rather than a boon, fishers may even become imbued with the connotation of "pirates" by frustrated state officials. Such extension of the governmentality lens to uncover fishers' own actions and concerns in relation to the state's intent would enable an analysis into the effectiveness of governmental intervention, thus potentially revealing the 'limits' of governmentality (Li, 2007;Miller & Rose, 1990). As will be shown below, the current analysis demonstrates a case of such limitations. ...
... In South Korea, a narrative that resonated with nationalism and a strong army ethos, paired with disciplines on civil liberties and state-guided economic reforms, held sway during the military regime of General Park Chung-hee from 1961 to 1979. As South Korea remained on high military alert, a fear of communism deepened and the securitization of the NLL became unassailable (Linantud, 2008). North Korea was effectively constructed as "the other" by the official state discourse, evoking ideological foreignness and in turn bolstering a specific South Korean identity (Watson, 2012). ...
... Corresponding to a need to more deeply engage with this watery landscape (e.g., Anderson & Peters, 2014;Steinberg & Peters, 2015), the civilian activities of fishing, especially analyzed as a state governmental project, may provide an accessible opening through which to derive a more nuanced and critical understanding of boundary disputes occurring in the marine realm. by critical scholarship (see Inda, 2005;Li, 2007;Miller & Rose, 1990;O'Malley, 1996;Raco, 2003). 3 Even though, under international law (as influenced by the UNCLOS), the most preferred approach to the equitable resolution of overlapping maritime claims has been the establishment of an equidistance line between each country's baseline, historical fishing rights have been shown to provide coastal states' extra logic and conviction to influence the delimitation process and complicate the debate to one's advantage (see Bernard, 2012;Engler-Palma, 2010). ...
Extractive activities such as oil drilling, mining and fishing often appear implicated in international maritime boundary disputes. While natural resources' crucial role as a catalyst for conflict has been well-noted in the literature, such an approach has typically assumed a contextual and passive position of natural resources with little political agency for altering the dynamics of a confrontation. This paper provides an alternative perspective in which resource activities constitute a willful agent that works in part to govern the course of the boundary dispute. Drawing on Foucault's notion of governmentality, Ilook at how South Korean fishing activities near a disputed maritime border between the two Koreas, called the Northern Limit Line, may be imbued with intentionality representing an indirect arm of the state's geopolitical agenda. Mobilizing the realist narrative of an immovable border and the mundane tactics of education sessions and at-sea radio communication, I suggest that the South Korean government is seeking to create subjects in fishers to reinforce the state objectives of boundary legitimization and defense of claimed waters. The analysis, however, also demonstrates an ambivalent nature of governmentality, with fishers muddling the state interventions through their own conduct and rationale. The South Korean government thus faces a delicate task of managing the fishing operation vis-à-vis the boundary dispute. Taking the seemingly innocuous resource activity such as fishing to the center stage of power relations, this paper also tables one way of engaging with maritime boundaries, one of the understudied domains in political geography.
... American authorities advocated this model in the midst of its perceived Cold War global social competition with the USSR. Both sought allegiances among the newly independent countries emerging or re-emerging from the postwar wreckage of empires (Linantud, 2008). The neighboring propinquity of North Korea magnifies this South Korean appeal: the failed, "alternative" Korea lies across the 38 th parallel conveniently available for immediate comparison. ...
... During the Cold War, the US worked with local authorities that it saw as cooperating with the US containment strategy in Asia and elsewhere. Containment wars contributed to horrendous suffering, but this US policy strategy also contributed to South Korea's economic "miracle" (Linantud, 2008). China's intervention in the Korean War saved the Kim Il-sung regime. ...
The political circumstances of Korean reunification will significantly determine the political environment for future public administration. This paper argues this context will create parameters for governments to implement the exercise of sovereignty over the united Korean peninsula. Pan-Korean nationalism will be exploited as a political mobilization resource for creating the foundations for reintegrating a pan- Korean state and society. A reunited national community will be upon shared historical commonalities. They will serve to mobilize political cooperation after nearly 70 years of separate development under radically opposed political and economic regimes. The North’s vestiges will likely remain in the form of organized crime networks in a post-reunification state. Peace strategists should prepare to respond to the political tendency to manipulate and exploit anti-Japanese symbolic appeals by Korean political entrepreneurs. The latter will do so to mobilize prospective supporters both in North and South Korea. Some relevant comparisons with East European cases of transition from Communism provide insights into what to expect.
This paper plots the greater difficulties of future Korean unification through a comparison with Germany 1989/90. The balance of forces favors a more politicized, more expensive, and more internationally contested Korean unification course than in Germany. Domestically: there are more North Koreans than there were East Germans, and they are much poorer. There are fewer South Koreans than there were West Germans, and they are less wealthy also. South Korea's state strength or capacity is lower than West Germany's was, while North Korea is a semi-failed state, even by East German standards. So, fewer people with a lower GDP per capita in a weaker system will support more people with less wealth from a worse system. Internationally: today's external patron (the United States) of the free Korean half is weakening, while the external patron (China) of the communist half is strengthening. The opposite was true of the United States and West Germany, and the Soviet Union and East Germany, in 1989. Today's northern patron (China) is trying to push further into the Asian continent, while yesterday's eastern patron (the Soviet Union) was looking for an exit from central Europe. Chinese peninsular intervention is therefore easier, while U.S. support for South Korea's unification terms will be more difficult.
