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... Fig. 1). They were found together with 52 flint arrowheads, 64 blades, two polished stone axes, three pebbles, five bone awls and some personal ornaments 23 . These materials attribute the deposit to the Late Neolithic, confirmed by 16 radiocarbon dates on human bone, which a Bayesian model places as lying between 3380 and 3000 cal. ...
... A total of 107 cranial injuries have been identified, of which 48 (44.9%) are unhealed and 59 (55.1%) healed (Tables 1 and S2). Of these, 43-one unhealed and 42 healed-had previously been recorded [ 19,23 : appendix] together with another 11 cases which either were apparently missing in the collection (n = 2), have not been observed on bone (n = 6) or have been interpreted not to be an injury (n = 3) during the re-examination (and, consequently, are not considered, described nor included in tables in this paper). ...
... Ninety-eight cases (91.6%) are located above the hat brim line (HBL) (i.e., top of the cranium including the frontal, upper parietals and upper portion of the occipital), where wounds have traditionally been assumed to be more likely due to deliberate blows 30 , despite recent research suggesting that the HBL rule should be used with caution 31 . The exceptions are three unhealed and six healed traumas, including an arrowhead injury affecting the occipital bone [see 23 ]. Frontal and parietal bones are affected preferentially (n = 101, 94.4%), while temporooccipital and maxillofacial regions seem to be rarely implicated (n = 6, 5.6%, of which three represent unhealed cases, all found on the occipital bone). ...
This paper explores the nature and extent of conflict in Late Neolithic Europe based on expanded skeletal evidence for violence from the San Juan ante Portam Latinam rockshelter in present-day Spain (ca. 3380–3000 cal. BC). The systematic osteological re-examination has identified 65 unhealed and 89 healed traumas—of which 77 were previously undocumented—consistent with aggression. They affect 23.1% of the 338 individuals represented. Adolescent and adult males are particularly affected (44.9% of the 107 identified), comprising 97.6% of unhealed trauma and 81.7% of healed trauma recorded in individuals whose sex could be estimated and showing higher frequencies of injuries per individual than other demographic subgroups. Results suggest that many individuals, essentially men, were exposed to violence and eventually killed in battle and raids, since warriorship is mainly restricted to this demographic in many societies. The proportion of casualties is likely to have been far greater than indicated by the 10.1% individuals exhibiting unhealed trauma, given the presence of isolated cases of unhealed postcranial trauma and of arrowheads potentially having impacted into soft tissues. This, together with skeletal indicators of poor health and the possible socioeconomic outcomes evidenced in the region, suggest wider social impacts, which may relate to a more sophisticated and formalized way of warfare than previously appreciated in the European Neolithic record.
... In recent years, osteoarchaeological research has been carried out to investigate violence in Prehistory, highlighting the works of A.M. Silva on the Portuguese region (Silva and Marques, 2010;Silva et al., 2012); S. Jiménez-Brobeil in southern Iberia (Jiménez-Brobeil et al., 2009; D. Campillo in the Mediterranean area (Campillo and Baxarias, 2008) together with other colleagues (Soriano et al., 2015;Moreno-Ibáñez et al., 2021); and different researchers for central plateau (Esparza Arroyo et al., 2008;Nájera et al., 2010;Fabián García and Blanco González, 2012;Díaz-Navarro, 2020). Similarly, the archaeological record of northern Iberia has also provided unanswerable evidence of different types of violence through the study of skeletal remains, remarking the research conducted by F. Etxeberria on prehistoric samples from Basque Country Vegas, 1988, 1992;Armendariz et al., 1994;Etxeberria et al., 2005;Vegas et al., 2012), and more recently by T. Fernández Crespo in the same area (Fernández-Crespo, 2016, 2017Fernández-Crespo et al., 2018, 2020. The archaeological sites with clear evidence of violence during the Recent Prehistory in northern Iberia are mapped in Fig. 1. ...
... The archaeological sites with clear evidence of violence during the Recent Prehistory in northern Iberia are mapped in Fig. 1. For the Late Neolithic/Chalcolithic transition are listed: Las Cáscaras (Etxeberria and Vegas, 1992) in Cantabria; San Juan Ante Portam Latinam, Las Yurdinas II and Alto de la Huesera (Etxebarría et al., 1996;Vegas et al., 2012;Fernández-Crespo, 2017;Fernández-Crespo et al., 2018) in Alava; and Longar and La Peña de Marañón (Soto and Martija, 1995;Fernández-Crespo, 2016) in Navarra. For the Chalcolithic: Pico Ramos (Baraybar and La Rua, 1995) in Vizcaya; Los Llanos and La Mina in Á lava (Etxebarría et al., 1996); La Atalayuela (Andrés and Barandiarán, 2004) in La Rioja; Aizibita and Peña del Castillo II (Beguiristain and Etxeberría, 1994;Etxebarría et al., 1996) in Navarra; and El Mirador and El Hundido (Alonso, 2015;Iglesias-Bexiga et al., 2022) in Burgos. ...
... Placing the Ojo Guareña individuals in a geographical context, it is worth noting that 35% of the Iberian individuals with evidence of violence proceed from the upper-middle Ebro valley, and 58% of the incisive-sharp injuries are located in this region (Alonso Bercianos and Díaz Navarro, 2021) (Fig. 1). The Late Neolithic/Chalcolithic site of San Juan Ante Portem Latinam, a collective burial site in a rockshelter compound by more than 300 individuals showed different healed and unhealed lesions consisting of arrowhead injuries and blunt trauma (Vegas et al., 2012). These injuries appeared in adolescents and adult males. ...
... The collective burial phase is stratigraphically inserted between an Early Neolithic past of habitation and another of use as a sheepfold for livestock management, after burning the human remains that were buried (Fernández-Eraso 2008), but we cannot say if this should be integrated into the social changes that we attribute to dolmen dynamics. At San Juan Ante Portam Latinam, not long after the burials were made, the roof of the rock shelter fractured and collapsed, closing and preserving a large part of the remains (Vegas et al. 2012). This event, whose punitive nature we can speculate on, occurred in a terminus post quem date 3328-2701 cal BC. ...
... The collective burial phase is stratigraphically inserted between an Early Neolithic past of habitation and another of use as a sheepfold for livestock management, after burning the human remains that were buried (Fernández-Eraso 2008), but we cannot say if this should be integrated into the social changes that we attribute to dolmen dynamics. At San Juan Ante Portam Latinam, not long after the burials were made, the roof of the rock shelter fractured and collapsed, closing and preserving a large part of the remains (Vegas et al. 2012). This event, whose punitive nature we can speculate on, occurred in a terminus post quem date 3328-2701 cal BC. ...
... The collective burial phase is stratigraphically inserted between an Early Neolithic past of habitation and another of use as a sheepfold for livestock management, after burning the human remains that were buried (Fernández-Eraso 2008), but we cannot say if this should be integrated into the social changes that we attribute to dolmen dynamics. At San Juan Ante Portam Latinam, not long after the burials were made, the roof of the rock shelter fractured and collapsed, closing and preserving a large part of the remains (Vegas et al. 2012). This event, whose punitive nature we can speculate on, occurred in a terminus post quem date 3328-2701 cal BC. ...
An evolutionary approach to the study of the funerary systems in Late Prehistory allows the recognition of diverse contexts of social crises in the north of Iberia. The analysis of the radio-chronological data that we have compiled indicates five phases of use – with the newness of identifying two different cycles during the Late Neolithic – and of subsequent ‘abandonment’ in the megaliths; this is reduced to two phases in the case of the sepulchral caves. We interpret the radio-chronological results through an examination of the material culture present in the graves and dynamics of the megalithic architecture. In addition, we contrast our results with different approaches, carrying out a complementary multidisciplinary approach. In this regard, we found that megalithism served as a vehicle for responding to the different crises and changes faced by increasingly complex and unequal human groups.
... Any fight between individuals is a dynamic event, so the number of variables involved in how an injury was produced is too high to be able to produce an exact reconstruction of the event, especially in archaeological cases, but on some occasions, it is possible to make general inferences or suggestions for the most likely scenario. In the Neolithic archaeological record there are abundant examples of skeletal remains interpreted as individuals who took an active part in violent confrontations (Schulting and Wysocki, 2005;Teschler-Nicola, 2012;Vegas et al., 2012;Chenal et al., 2015;Sánchez-Barba et al., 2019), but also of mass graves in which individuals were killed in ambushes or executions (Meyer et al., 2009(Meyer et al., , 2015(Meyer et al., , 2018Wahl and Trautmann, 2012;Konopka et al., 2016;Madden et al., 2018;Alt et al., 2020). Having a mass grave in which several individuals show the same pattern of evidence of violence can give relatively clear clues about the context surrounding those perimortem injuries. ...
Interpersonal violence in the past is studied from different perspectives, one of which is experimentation. Using analogues to the human skeleton it is possible to replicate fractures found in the archaeological record and understand how they were produced. The main objective of this paper is to describe and differentiate sharp-blunt force cranial trauma caused by stone axes and adzes, to test previous interpretations of an archaeological case. This will create a comparative frame of reference for future studies. In the present experiment, seven Synbone polyurethane spheres were used as analogues to the human skull. These were covered with rubber skin, filled with ballistic gelatin, and fixed in a way that allowed some mobility when struck. This system creates a skin-skull-brain-neck model. A replica of a stone axe and adze were used as weapon-tools, simulating a face-to-face attack. The results of the experiment showed that there are a series of characteristics that differentiate the fracture pattern associated with each one, confirming previous bioarchaeological interpretations. The differentiation between both weapon-tools through the resulting cranial trauma allows conclusions about the direction of the blow and the position of the attacker with respect to the victim. This provides a better reconstruction of the most likely scenario surrounding the confrontation and the possible cause of death of the individuals, which is especially important during the Neolithic period, when this type of cranial trauma is very common.
... [1][2][3]. With their combination of a sharp cutting edge and considerable weight and mass, defects resulting from adzes and axes can have both blunt and sharp force characteristics, and often leave distinctive fracture patterns (12,13), while projectile injuries may be highly visible when arrowheads remain embedded in the bone (14,15). In contrast, blunt force trauma presents particular challenges when trying to identify what implement may have caused a given injury, though more recently experimental bioarchaeology has been used to establish fracture patterns for particular weapon tools (e.g., refs. ...
... Iversen (55) presented a functional assessment of tanged projectiles associated with the PWC and concluded that the long, narrow, and slender C-type, without barbs though, was used for war-like purposes. This projectile is relatively common in megalithic tombs, possibly introduced into the chambers within the bodies of victims, which is also seen in other regions of Europe (15). Tanged points are also present in megalithic tombs from Falbygden, Sweden, but are not as systematically studied as the finds from Denmark (56). ...
Bioarchaeological evidence of interpersonal violence and early warfare presents important insights into conflict in past societies. This evidence is critical for understanding the motivations for violence and its effects on opposing and competing individuals and groups across time and space. Selecting the Neolithic of northwestern Europe as an area for study, the present paper examines the variation and societal context for the violence recorded in the human skeletal remains from this region as one of the most important elements of human welfare. Compiling data from various sources, it becomes apparent that violence was endemic in Neolithic Europe, sometimes reaching levels of intergroup hostilities that ended in the utter destruction of entire communities. While the precise comparative quantification of healed and unhealed trauma remains a fundamental problem, patterns emerge that see conflict likely fostered by increasing competition between settled and growing communities, e.g., for access to arable land for food production. The further development of contextual information is paramount in order to address hypotheses on the motivations, origins, and evolution of violence as based on the study of human remains, the most direct indicator for actual small- and large-scale violence.
... No other signs of violence have been identified in the bones of this individual. Episodes of physical violence are known in Iberian Prehistory, since Neolithic times (Alt et al., 2020), with spectacular examples such as the Late Neolithic San Juan Ante Portam Latinam ossuary (Vegas et al., 2012) with several cases of flint arrowhead injuries in the bones. Moreover, the so-called Levantine Art splendidly illustrates scenes of combat amongst groups and, more interestingly, even executions (López-Montalvo, 2015: 317, Fig. 2c, 8c). ...
Seated positions are extraordinarily exceptional in prehistoric graves and despite the increasing number of new cases its social meaning remains uncertain. This paper presents a new finding of a Bronze Age seated burial discovered in the prehistoric cemetery of Humanejos (Parla). Such a unique burial is carefully analyzed in the context of the IInd millennium cal BC burial rituals. Firstly, the different phases of the inhumation were described through an archaeothanatological approach, which showed that the body was originally bound in a sitting position and then the upper part, which was exposed, naturally collapsed after the decomposition process. Furthermore, the biological features of this young man were studied by the osteological examination of the body and C/N isotopes analyses. Finally, the only object found within the human remains, a flint arrowhead, was examined through use-wear analyses. Different hypothesis are proposed about the possible social meaning behind this strange burial ritual in the context of the Late Prehistory mortuary dataset, from the "bad death" (execution?, public punishment?) to other parallels pointing to the burial ritual of someone special within the community (elite/Shaman).
... Additionally, there is evidence for the rearrangement of some individuals, mostly cranial remains, into a corner in order to leave more space for new inhumations (Fernández-Crespo et al., 2018). Another interesting characteristic of this site is that it is geographically surrounded by several megalith structures (Vegas et al., 1999(Vegas et al., , 2012Fernández-Crespo and de-la-Rúa, 2015). ...
Lumentxa is a classic site in Basque Prehistory, excavated in three different phases during the 20th century, which has yielded evidence of both Pleistocene and Holocene occupations. In this article, we present a detailed study of the human remains from this site including paleobiological, taphonomic, biomechanical and chronological perspectives. The human assemblage comprises of a minimum number of seven individuals: three subadult and four adults, with both sexes represented, although part of the human collection is currently lost. We have obtained C14 dates from 4 of these 7 individuals indicating a prolonged funerary use of the cave from the Early Neolithic until the Bronze Age. We observed some biases in the skeletal representation which could be due to differences in the excavation methods between field seasons and/or the action of carnivores, the latter being evident in at least three of the individuals. The taphonomic modifications are typical off those found in the post-abandonment phases in cave funerary contexts. The relatively low number of individuals compared with other sites in the region and extended timespan over which the remains were deposited suggest that the cave was used only sporadically for funerary purposes. We report the first biomechanical data for a Neolithic individual from the Iberian Peninsula, which show greatest overall similarity to the Neolithic sample from France and Italy. Finally, the broad time period covered by the direct dates and the more complex taphonomic history than was previously assumed for such sites indicate that caution is warranted when assigning sepulchral caves to cultural periods in the Western Pyrenees when no direct ¹⁴C dates have been obtained.
... First, the apparent predominance of female individuals at a general level (cf. Fig. 6b) is not consistent with the sex imbalances that might be expected for so-called war layers, where males usually predominate (Vegas et al. 2012). Second, there are only a few cases of skeletal trauma, all showing signs of healing (Basabe 1978;this study). ...
La Atalayuela is a Middle Chalcolithic (ca. 2900–2500 cal BC) multiple burial pit located in the mid-upper Ebro Valley (north-central Iberia) where a large number of individuals (more than 70) were inhumed. The site shows an apparently constrained period of funerary use, which includes the probable simultaneous burial of a large proportion of the deceased. This offers an outstanding opportunity to investigate the lifeways and identity of the members of what was presumably a single community living and interring their dead at the very beginnings of the Bell Beaker culture in the region. Here, we present stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values on bone collagen from 46 humans. While the overall results are consistent with diets focused on C3 plants and terrestrial animal resources, as would be expected, the variability still demonstrates some interesting patterning. Thus, there is a significant differentiation in δ¹³C values between burial context base (the earliest funerary use identified, interpreted as a ‘house of the dead’) and the following context a2 (interpreted as a mass grave), supporting the existence of potentially distinct funerary uses. Remains from the vestibule (a structure to the south of the pit interpreted as entrance), whose carbon isotope values also differ from those of a2, have been tentatively associated with base and interpreted as a result of potential bone arrangements prior to the mass interment. Statistically significant age- and sex-related isotopic differences are also identified, which allow social insights, such as possible differential access by children and women to certain food sources, which may in turn reflect a possible sexual division of labour. The results are set in the context of other Late Prehistoric Iberian funerary and isotopic data.
