Figure 1 - uploaded by William R. Fowler
Content may be subject to copyright.
Central American Nahua distribution (based on Fowler 1981: 469-523). The enclaves in southeast Nicaragua and in Panama might have spoken Nahuatl rather than the Nahuat dialect of the language.
Source publication
A substantial corpus of documentary data exists for the ethnohistoric study of the Pipil-Nicarao, the Precolumbian Nahuat-speaking groups of Central America. Since the middle of last century, scholars have shown a sustained interest in the Pipil-Nicarao. But until recently an explicit historiographic analysis of the sources on the Pipil-Nicarao had...
Citations
... The Pipiles were extinguished with the arrival of the Spaniards in colonial times, and the Nahua were gradually assimilated into 'Mestizo' society in most places. The last of the southern Nahua populations are the Pipil of El Salvador [68]. Some lineages found in Guatemala, such as haplogroup B1t1, are still found at high frequencies in present-day Nahua-speaking people from Mexico [31]. ...
Guatemala is a multiethnic and multilingual country located in Central America. The main population groups separate 'Ladinos' (mixed Native American-African-Spanish), and Native indigenous people of Maya descent. Among the present-day Guatemalan Maya, there are more than 20 different ethnic groups separated by different languages and cultures. Genetic variation of these communities still remains largely unexplored. The principal aim of this study is to explore the genetic variability of the Maya and 'Ladinos' from Guatemala by means of uniparental and ancestry informative markers (AIMs).
Analyses of uniparental genetic markers indicate that Maya have a dominant Native American ancestry (mitochondrial DNA [mtDNA]: 100%; Y-chromosome: 94%). 'Ladino', however, show a clear gender-bias as indicated by the large European ancestry observed in the Y-chromosome (75%) compared to the mtDNA (0%). Autosomal polymorphisms (AIMS) also mirror this marked gender-bias: (i) Native American ancestry: 92% for the Maya vs. 55% for the 'Ladino', and (ii) European ancestry: 8% for the Maya vs. 41% for the 'Ladino'. In addition, the impact of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade on the present-day Guatemalan population is very low (and only occurs in the 'Ladino'; mtDNA: 9%;
4%), in part mirroring the fact that Guatemala has a predominant orientation to the Pacific Ocean instead of a Caribbean one. Sequencing of entire Guatemalan mitogenomes has led to improved Native American phylogeny via the addition of new haplogroups that are mainly observed in Mesoamerica and/or the North of South America.
The data reveal the existence of a fluid gene flow in the Mesoamerican area and a predominant unidirectional flow towards South America, most likely occurring during the Pre-Classic (1800 BC-200 AD) and the Classic (200-1000 AD) Eras of the Mesoamerican chronology, coinciding with development of the most distinctive and advanced Mesoamerican civilization, the Maya. Phylogenetic features of mtDNA data also suggest a demographic scenario that is compatible with moderate local endogamy and isolation in the Maya combined with episodes of gene exchange between ethnic groups, suggesting an ethno-genesis in the Guatemalan Maya that is recent and supported on a cultural rather than a biological basis.
... In order to understand the border dynamics between the three countries and the rest of Mesoamerica, one cannot overlook the pre-Hispanic, colonial and republican influence, or the roads and border areas and crossings used in longdistance trade networks, which have been studied by Carlos Navarrete (1973 and 1978), Thomas A. Lee (1978), Charlotte M. Arnauld (1990), Laura Caso Barrera and Mario Aliphat Fernández (2006), or the cross-border approaches of Mesoamerican archeology put forward by John Fox (1980 and1981), Richard Blanton and Gary Feinman (1984), and Robert Carmack and Sylvia Salgado (2006). Hence the importance of using transborder approaches to understand Mesoamerican linguistic complexity, the links between the highlands and lowlands of the Maya area, and Nahua and Teotihuacan presence in Central America, investigated by Otto Schumann (1987), Terrence Kaufmann (1988), William Fowler (1985 and Nora England (2003). ...
This article historicizes the emergence of border studies in the south of Mexico, and offers an interdisciplinary perspective on the formation of the Mexico-Guatemala border. From a historical and anthropological perspective, we illustrate Fábregas's (1994) thesis that "All México is a frontier," with examples of the regional dynamics generated by narco trafficking, the migration of undocumented workers, the circulation of tourists and indigenous traders, and the political ecology of conservation agencies in border areas, all of which demonstrate transnational connections between northern and southern Mexico. The text offers a holistic view of both sides of the border with a review of important bibliographic sources.
... Various authorities have written about the lives of the indigenous people of the Nicoya zone in the centuries before 1500. Collectively often referred to as the Chorotega, these people consisted of several different groups with distinct languages (including Pipil and Nicarao traders and settlers) (Fowler, 1985Fowler, , 1991). Evidence exists for long and medium-distance trade, the former from Ecuador (Stone, 1977) and the latter along the Pacific coast in both directions and across the Golfo Nicoya between the mainland and the peninsula (Creamer, 1992). ...
Reserva Natural Absoluta Cabo Blanco, located at the southern tip of northwestern Costa Rica’s Nicoya Peninsula, was established in 1963 and is the country’s oldest nationally protected reserve. Because the climate of the Nicoya Peninsula is ideal for human habitation, the peninsula has been occupied for millennia and is a heavily impacted landscape. The region also is one of the most poorly studied in Central America in terms of biotic diversity. We initiated a multiyear survey of bats in the reserve and the adjacent Refugio de Vida Silvestre Cueva Los Murciélagos to quantify species diversity, abundances, habitat use, seasonality, and reproduction. By surveying bats during 5 rainy seasons and 4 dry seasons from July 1999 through February 2006, we address the following questions: Which species of bats are present in the area? Are the bat communities the same in 3 different habitats—coastal forest, inland forest, and limestone caves? Are the species diversity and abundances of bats in the rainy season similar to those in the dry season? Can we discern seasonal patterns of reproduction? Are the species diversity and abundances of bats at Cabo Blanco (a tropical moist forest in the Holdridge Life Zone classification) similar to those in the nearby tropical dry forest at Parque Nacional Palo Verde? What are the conservation implications of the bat assemblages found in this regenerating forest? Using mist nets, searching for roosting bats, and an acoustical survey, 39 species of bats are documented in the area, including 5 emballonurids, 4 molossids, 1 mormoopid, 1 noctilionid, 21 phyllostomids, and 7 vespertilionids. The 2 most commonly captured bats, Carollia perspicillata and Artibeus jamaicensis, are abundant in both the inland and coastal forests and both are more abundant in the rainy season than in the dry season. Several species have clear habitat preferences, at least during the seasons in which we netted (Glossophaga soricina and Uroderma bilobatum along the coast and Trachops cirrhosus inland). The largest carnivores (Noctilio leporinus, Chrotopterus auritus, Phyllostomus hastatus, Trachops cirrhosus, and Vampyrum spectrum) are present, but the small and middle-sized predatory bats (Micronycteris, Lophostoma, and others) are poorly represented both in terms of diversity and abundance. We captured twice as many bats per hour of effort in the inland forest as we did in the coastal forest. The caves of Refugio de Vida Silvestre Cueva Los Murciélagos have 4 species of bats (Balantiopteryx plicata, Saccopteryx bilineata, Desmodus rotundus, and Phyllostomus hastatus) that are year-round residents. Several species seem to be equally abundant in both seasons, including Balantiopteryx plicata, Saccopteryx bilineata, Noctilio leporinus, Artibeus watsoni, Desmodus rotundus, Glossophaga soricina, Phyllostomus hastatus, Trachops cirrhosus, Lasiurus ega, and Myotis nigricans. Our impression is that some species are more common during the rainy season than the dry season, but more data are needed to substantiate this assertion. Bats in the caves were equally abundant during each of our 8 cave surveys. Desmodus rotundus is the only species for which our data suggest year-round reproduction; we observed scrotal males, pregnant females, and juveniles during each of our visits to Cabo Blanco. Other species are present year-round but have seasonal reproductive activity. We captured Artibeus watsoni and Carollia perspicillata in both seasons but have seen pregnant females only during the rainy season. Carollia perspicillata and Artibeus jamaicensis are the 2 most commonly captured bats at both Cabo Blanco and the nearby Parque Nacional Palo Verde. The species records and abundances of several other species differed between the sites, however. Species that are abundant at Palo Verde, but not yet recorded from Cabo Blanco, include Pteronotus davyi, Pteronotus gymnonotus, Carollia subrufa, Centurio senex, and Natalus stramineus. Phyllostomus hastatus is abundant at Cabo Blanco but not known from Palo Verde. Although both sites are relatively close together in the northern Pacific lowlands of Costa Rica, Cabo Blanco is substantially wetter, and the associated differences in vegetation may be driving bat distributional patterns. We provide a number of new records and ecological information for bats on the Nicoya Peninsula and document that bat diversity and abundances can be substantial in regenerating forest. Several of the most commonly captured bat species are seed dispersers and may be critical to forest regeneration.
This chapter begins the empirical analysis of the networking experiences and efforts that preceded access to the Internet in the region. The notion of “founding networks” allows for discussion of two important processes. First, the chapter analyzes projects to connect to early computer networks in the region. These projects promoted political visions that materialized in the use of different technologies (i.e., X.25, UUCP, and BITNET). Second, the term “founding” is used to discuss the formation of transnational networks of collaborations among people in several countries of the region. To distinguish them from technological networks, these transnational exchanges were often referred to as “human networks.” In Central America, the formation of “human networks” between actors and organizations of the isthmus allowed access to early computer networks.
Salvador ra patitara uplika kyamka kaia tanka Naha ulbanka ra, ulbanka dauki waiknika ba trai kaikisa makabanka kum ra ansa munaia. Baha ba naha sa: ?Salvador uplika nani ba dia maplika wal patitara uplika kyamka nani kulkanka alkaia sip sa ? Baha makabi walan ka ansa munaia tanira rul satka 8 nani bapi marikisa nahki Salvador ra patitara uplika wina takan kyamka nani ba maplika sakaia. Naha muna daukaia lukanka sakan ba sika nitka laka barasa rul nani bapanka plaika baku ridi dauki bri kaia Salvador ra patitara uplika kyamka nani ba nahki maplika sakaia sip kabia sapa sakaia. Trabilka taki ba sika, naha uplika nani Salvador ra ai iwanka natka nani sut tiki luwan, wibia kaka yapti bila aisanka, kwalka dimra wihta, ai Dawan ra pura sunra laka bara ai natka wala nani sut tiki luwan. Bbaha taka naiwa pyuwara Salvador ra ba campesino kum, apiakra Salvador uplika wala nani kum wihki patitara uplika kyamka kun ba wal sut sim sat kaikisa. Naha ulbanka ra alki ba pat baha muna rulka tara nani bapan ba, Salvador kuntrika ra Pipiles kyamka nani laka bapan nani ba baku sin warkka daukan wainika tauwan nani bilara ai warkka nani dauki tauki tilara uplika iwanka nani tanka kaikkan dukia nani brih wina daukan sa. Salvador innidianbalnayulni Adika yulni parahni rawaswi yakna akat warkni yamyang adika kulnin lani duwi yulwi dakana balna as kidi yak nangnit lana atnin?salvador innidianbalnakidiaisyaklauwilaihdiyakwi? Kidi yak nangnit lanin kat kulnin lani tiaskau bas yakwi salvador innidian kapat amang lanin yulni. Adika kulnin lani adika laih kalahna ki amput dawi Salvador innidian balna yulni amang lanin yulni. Kat adika sulani balna kidi yalahwa lani balna laih palni awaski yulnin kat witingna yalalahwa lani didisna palniki, yulnin kat tuni yulwa, asnina kakawa, sutslainni yak dawak lanina balna bik laih palni yuldarang kat witingna kidi indian kapat taldaski indian as dawi salvador isnipayul karak. Adika yulni wauhnitaya akat laih yakwi yulwi sulani as tannika yulni, pipil muihni balna tannika yulwa kaupak laihwi talwi kaput bik kulwi talna as munah adika amanglanin kulnin yamwi muihni balna yalahwa lani pas yak kawi dawak amput lalah lainni munah satuk kalahwa kidi. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/wani.v62i0.858 Wani No.62 2010 pp.48-61
En este artículo el autor propone ocho criterios para caracterizar a los indígenas salvadoreños. La propuesta surge de la necesidad de contar con un marco referencial que ayude a definir a los indígenas en El Salvador. Esto se debe a que este grupo étnico ha perdido casi totalmente las manifestaciones tangibles de su cultura, tales como lengua, vestuario, religión y costumbres, volviéndose casi imposible reconocer a un indígena de un campesino o de un salvadoreño promedio. En el artículo se parte de definiciones universales de los grupos étnicos, de propuestas nacionales que tratan de definir a los pipiles y de la observación del autor durante su trabajo de campo para identificar los patrones culturales compartidos por la comunidad y las características socio-económicas de este grupo social que lo vuelven diferente a los demás. Es decir, el artículo busca responder la pregunta, ¿Qué identifica a los indígenas salvadoreños como tales?
