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Camden Town in London
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Camden Town in London is a mature cultural quarter with a contradictory mix of affluent middle class and homeless; Starbucks and street markets; counter‐cultural groups and tourists; participants in the night time economy and shopkeepers; media corporations and the “creative underclass.” There is a tension between the various stakeholders with thei...
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Brighton & Hove is a thriving UK seaside city facing new and on-going noise issues. It is a destination city with a wide range of restaurants, bars and clubs, which, along with an impressive arts and cultural offer adds to the excitement and interest both for residents and visitors. Brighton provides support to the creative arts, attracts business...
The effect of the global economic downturn of 2008 on town and city centres in the UK - and much of the western world - has been swift, enduring and a major challenge to accepted wisdom in the management of town centres. Not surprisingly, issues such as economic resilience and its reincarnations in the form of future proofing or even town centre pe...
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... Mas, o que se verificou foi uma tendência para a repetição de oferta cultural baseadas em recursos patrimoniais tangíveis, levando por sua vez, ao uso da criatividade de forma a diferenciar a sua oferta. Perante tal cenário surgiram críticas ao discurso desenfreado da criatividade como remédio para todos os problemas ao nível das cidades, denunciando as precárias condições dos trabalhadores criativos (Gornostaeva & Campbell, 2012), a desvalorização da cultura (Raunig, Ray, & Wuggenig, 2011) a gentrificação de zonas nobres das cidades (Pratt, 2008), a reprodução em série da cultura (Richards & Wilson, 2006 De destacar ainda, a aplicação da teoria da classe criativa às zonas rurais onde limitações e críticas à classe criativa de que esta, apenas faria sentido em zonas urbanas, deram azo à sua aplicação às zonas rurais (Baeker, 2008;Bell & Jayne, 2010;Duxbury & Campbell, 2009McGranahan & Wojan, 2007;Stolarick et al., 2010;Woods, 2012). Assim estas zonas teriam também todas as condições para que os princípios criativos se aplicassem e concorressem para o desenvolvimento de estas zonas com problemas devido ao êxodo rural, desemprego, desertificação, entre outros (Cruz, 2010 (Baeker, 2008;Stolarick et al., 2010). ...
Creative tourism has established itself as an important area of study in recent years in the tourism literature. This recent tourist segment is seen by the authors as an extension or reaction to the mass consumption of cultural tourism, fueled by changes in the consumption priorities of a demand increasingly concerned with authentic experiences that characterize the local culture of the destinations where they are developed. Instead of more passive and contemplative consumption, characteristic of cultural tourism, creative tourism is presented as an alternative where creative consumption can be more significant and carried out pragmatically, increasing the tourist's involvement and favouring the cocreation of creative experiences. The literature on creative tourism points to the need for the development of skills on the part of tourism actors, with no clear characterization of how such a process develops. Framed in the sociology of culture, this thesis used the analytical framework of the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu to analyze the consumption of creative tourism experiences, seeking to update his main thinking tools (cultural capital, habitus and field) in the light of post-modern tourism consumption forcing to rethink how these concepts are acquired and developed in the context of the consumption of creative tourism. The literature review allowed us to verify that Bourdieu's concepts, when applied to the study of tourism, are made in an isolated way against the relational nature of his theoretical framework. To this end, the starting question focused on its main concepts in order to analyze what role they play in the consumption of creative tourism experiences. The case study of the national network of Loulé Criativo was privileged, where 42 semi-structured interviews (19 on the supply side and 23 on the demand side) were carried out with the network partners and creative tourists, using qualitative and quantitative techniques for the treatment of the data. In general terms, the study helps to understand the life trajectories of the interviewees, its objective in the development of creative skills that the consumption of creative tourism experiences allows, the profound characterization of its social agents and to perceive creative tourism as a tourist field in formation, in relation to the dominant field of cultural tourism.
... Morgan focused on how Aboriginal culture is circumscribed to touristic representations of traditional arts, arguing that this representation excludes the young people of the area who identify with, and are a central part of, local street culture. Gornostaeva and Campbell (2012) also used the term creative underclass in their article on the production of place in Camden Town, a London neighborhood undergoing both gentrification and controversial redevelopment. The creative underclass, for Gornostaeva and Campbell, is a diverse group united by having low economic, but high cultural capital, who are playing an important role in the development of Camden as a cultural quarter. ...
There has been growing interest in the urban affairs literature in investigating the role of the arts in the city because of its multifaceted potential to impact a place. To document central elements of the emerging debates on the arts and the city over the last 20 years, we examined key articles on the subject published in the Journal of Urban Affairs and highlighted their links with several special issues of other journals. The debates canvased over this time can be organized as (1) defining artists as human capital, (2) studying cultural amenities, and (3) examining the role of art around the city. This analysis uncovers some of the themes, methods, and places articulating these academic debates and identifies pivotal overarching economic, symbolic, and social issues. The paper suggests that key directions for future research include widening the journals to be analyzed; developing bibliometric analyses; broadening the geographic selection of case studies, including research in languages other than English; and encouraging more special journal issues focused on art and the city to facilitate multidisciplinary conversations.
... Wraz z rozwojem gatunku ludzkiego, jego inteligencji i umiejętności ludzie doskonalili zdolności twórcze, wywodzące się z różnych form obrzędowych i dekoracyjnych. Od tysiącleci społeczeństwa w różnych zakątkach świata tworzą dzieła sztuki i je podziwiają, niemniej jednak rozumienie tego, co jest sztuką i co to znaczy być artystą, zmieniało się w zależności od miejsca i czasu (Golka 1995(Golka , 2008Lipski 2001;Waterman 2006;Rothenberg 2014;Potocka 2016;Stachowiak 2017). ...
... Sztuka stanowi przedmiot refleksji społecznej i naukowej oraz autorefleksji samych twórców (Golka 1995(Golka , 2008. Mimo dostrzeganych związków między działalnością artystyczną a przestrzenią wielu autorów i autorek jest zgodnych, że do niedawna sztuka rzadko stawała się przedmiotem badań geograficznych (Baczwarow 1998;Knafou 2003;Hudson 2006;Boichot i in. ...
... Ich problematyka badawcza została zebrana już w wielu tekstach przeglądowych (m.in. Throsby 1994;Golka 1995Golka , 2008Heilbrun, Gray 2001;Lipski 2001;Frey 2003Frey , 2019Heinich 2010;Towse 2011;Rothenberg 2014), a badania prowadzone są w zinstytucjonalizowanych formach (czasopisma i towarzystwa naukowe, konferencje tematyczne). Przedstawiciele tych nauk podnoszą specyfikę zjawisk i procesów artystycznych, odróżniających się od innych wytworów ludzkiej działalności, czym uzasadniają potrzebę stosowania i rozwijania dostosowanych do niej koncepcji i podejść badawczych. ...
W książce zaproponowano i rozwinięto koncepcję geografii sztuki jako subdyscypliny geografii społeczno-ekonomicznej. Ukazano w sposób syntetyczny terytorialny wymiar życia artystycznego w różnych skalach przestrzennych ‒ miejsc i ośrodków artystycznych. W tym celu uwzględniono dorobek nauk społecznych i humanistycznych. Sformułowane ramy koncepcyjne i pojęciowe terytorialnego pola sztuki wykorzystano do zobrazowania zmieniającej się organizacji przestrzennej prywatnych galerii sztuki współczesnej i ich skupisk w Krakowie w latach 1989–2019.
http://denali.geo.uj.edu.pl/publikacje,000255
... They are supposed to translate into the artists' need to immerse in the creative urban buzz-ongoing, intensive, social, and artistic contacts with other artists and urbanites (Baerenholdt 2017) that can be found in metropolises and their vibrant artistic quarters, vivid in urban imaginaries. On the other hand, the economic constraints experienced by many artists due to their often precarious situation in the labor market and irregular or low incomes make them likely to search for inexpensive, potentially multifunctional residential and work places in less prestigious, liminal, or pericentral areas in cities which nevertheless offer relatively easy access to the buzz (Gornostaeva and Campbell 2012). ...
... While spatially concentrated buzz might indeed be one of the most important urban resources at the disposal of artists, too much focus on spaces associated with it might lead to a rather narrow, one-sided understanding of artists' presence in cities. Although some artists' spatial preferences and choices go in line with expectations regarding a bohemian lifestyle and their contribution to the creation of bohemian spaces either throughout their artistic career or at a certain stage of it (Hracs 2009;Ryberg, Salling, and Soltis 2013), one must acknowledge that on the whole, taking into account the diversity of artistic genres and styles, social and economic status, demographic features, and preferred lifestyles, artists are an extremely heterogeneous professional group (Debroux 2013;Gornostaeva and Campbell 2012;Murzyn-Kupisz and Działek 2017;Wilson 1999;Zhong 2016). Bain (2004:420) therefore remarks on the need to pay attention to what is hidden and less visible in artistic practices in urban space: ...
Expectations of bohemian inclinations of artists and their need to immerse in buzz shape the popular image of artistic professionals and often become a point of departure for public policies. The aim of our study, moving beyond preconceived notions on artists’ social and spatial preferences, has been to take a more nuanced look at artists’ attitudes toward buzz and its presence in urban settings. Drawing on the results of a research project conducted in two Polish cities, we have considered to what extent buzz is indeed an important artistic resource in contemporary urban centers and in what locations and types of spaces it is experienced by artists. We have also taken into account artists’ use of the opposite of buzz, that is, silence and solitude, in their urban creative strategies as well as analyzed what factors impact on the diversity of artists’ attitudes, needs, and strategies toward buzz-rich environments. Research findings point to the complexity of artists’ strategies toward buzz which might in turn translate into specific spatial strategies and choices they make within cities.
... This contributes to the formation of highly uneven labor markets comprised of high-paying advanced services and low-paying hospitality, tourism and retail work with little career mobility (Pratt, 2011;Scott, 2014). Moreover, 'renewal' projects have by and large resulted in upscale office and mixeduse developments in the central city that disenfranchise and displace existing low-income residents and businesses (Gornostaeva & Campbell, 2012;Curran, 2007). Undoubtedly, these policy mechanisms have reinforced inner-outer socioeconomic inequalities and ignored the vastly different infrastructural endowments and industrial legacies of the urban periphery (Gibson & Brennan-Horley, 2016;Phelps, 2012;Bain, 2013). ...
... By extension, this has led to a myopic geographic focus that privileges the central city where these industries and amenities are most densely concentrated. This has not only reinforced the uneven distribution of economic development (Gornostaeva & Campbell, 2012;Scott, 2014). It has also led to counterproductive policies that overlook: (1) industries operating at the interface of the cultural industries and manufacturing and (2) the multi-nodal, regional extent of the cultural sector. ...
Urban cultural policy has long been framed with a limited geographic focus. Policy predominately targets central city areas where arts amenities and creative services visibly concentrate. This focus stems from a restricted definition of cultural activity, which tends to emphasize cultural consumption over production. This excludes a range of “cultural manufacturers,” which produce specialized products and inputs for the wider cultural economy. Although these industries play an integral role in the cultural ecosystem, their locational attributes have been largely overlooked in urban policy and research. Drawing on the case of Melbourne, Australia, we map location patterns of cultural industries and related manufacturing, revealing co-location in the central city and robust cultural manufacturing concentrations on the urban periphery. Our findings present a potential route for urban cultural policy to affect meaningful change in divided central cities, as well as under-served outer areas where most cultural industries and manufacturing workers live.
... In cultural and urban policy studies, much emphasis is put on the role of art clusters in fertilizing creative lifestyles in cities (Wedd et all. 2002;Zukin and Braslow, 2011;Gornostaeva and Campbell, 2012). The diverse aspects of the presence of artists in urban space including their places of residences, their work, their social life, and their cultural and non-cultur-of art organizations seemed to be decisive in the development of these urban areas. ...
The clusters of arts that are organically developed by the compatible location choices of art organizations are considered as such urban areas that social co-presences are generated. They are, thus significant catalysts for the enhancement of urban vitality. This paper examines this argument through exploring the location choices of art organizations in placing their art events in Beyoğlu, Istanbul. Along with the location pattern of art events, the focus of paper is the configurational attributes of Beyoğlu’s urban network through which the art events impact on and are impacted by pedestrian use of urban space. The method addresses the locations of art events as places of art-driven social co-presence, and the pedestrian movement as the force that holds the events in a networked structure. Analyzing Beyoğlu’s street network configurationally, the paper quantitatively presents the urban network’s potential effect on pedestrian movement, and highlights the modes of urban space uses that can be possibly emerged through the natural pedestrian movement in Beyoğlu. The approach reveals the aspects of spatial processes that would generate social effects in the urban experience of art events in Beyoğlu.
... The transformation was publicized as a successful repurposing of a historical space "badly neglected for over 200 years" (Moran, 2017). At city scale, the indicators of the success of arts-and-culture-led regeneration is not necessarily the actual production of artwork, but rather high attendance at events and spinoff developments; particularly restaurants, coffee shops, bars, and music venues, in addition to reinvigoration of existing ones (Chapple et al., 2010;Gornostaeva & Campbell, 2012). The Creative Initiatives Economic Impact on Downtown Cairo toolkit developed by CLUSTER in 2018 primarily focuses on attendance at events, spillover and revenue generated in surrounding businesses, in addition to the local resources utilized by creative initiatives themselves as indicators of the positive economic impact of arts and culture on Downtown. ...
... The first group-the Creative Class or Creative Elite-attracts investment and high-end tenants and for those reasons is the one sought after by city governments and private developers. The second group, referred to as the creative underclass, attracts lower-middle-class users and therefore remains overlooked or repressed (Denmead, 2019;Gornostaeva & Campbell, 2012). This distinction, however, is not as binary as these cas-3 Seen together with the recent springing up of chain alcoholic beverage stores in busy commercial low-income streets in Downtown illustrates how supply and demand consumerism challenges normative social constructs. ...
... Many similar case studies demonstrate how the creative underclass lay the groundwork which then attracts the creative elite for its "bohemian aura" and then both are exploited to attract wealthy residents and large corporations. This process can be summarized into a pattern of transformation of "liminal landscapes" (Gornostaeva & Campbell, 2012) arts districts and then into consumption landscapes. Sandler (2011) calls it "the fine art of gentrification." ...
The ongoing relocation of administrative and ministerial functions to the New Administrative Capital is leaving an array of late-19th to mid-20th century buildings in central Cairo vacant and awaiting conversion. Its role previously limited to providing a clean slate for private development through "restoring order," the state is now looking to private developers' decade-long experience with arts-led redevelopment in Downtown that has fully materialized with the gush of creative industries since 2011. Descendants of the 1990s contemporary arts scene and the earlier 1970s literary counterculture, Downtown's creative industries emerged in a rare period of complete creative autonomy during and after the 2011 revolution. They have taken a distinctive form right in between an extralegal marginal "creative underclass" and a formalized "creative elite." Inspired by the Global North's model of instrumentalization of arts and culture to "revitalize" decaying downtowns, specialized private developers were instead faced with a creative scene saturated with socially and politically subversive overtones. In tandem with the state's efforts to sterilize Downtown of all remnants of dissidence and informality, Downtown's creative industries have undergone a process of capitalistic conditioning. Among cases of co-optation, re-framing, and resistance, entrepreneurial creative spaces have sprung up—presenting a sanitized version of creativity ideal for neoliberal redevelopment agendas. Concerns about gentrification are often shut down as an imported Anglo-American construct that has no place in the Global South. This has inspired a new discourse that attempts to uproot, redefine, and localize the concept. This thesis attempts to plug into this dialogue by unraveling the multi-layered convolutions of heritage, capital, art, and dissidence, and analyzing their implications on the social and built environments. Through looking at the intersections between adaptive reuse, creative industries, and arts-led redevelopment, an attempt is made to understand post-2011 Downtown Cairo. And by looking through Cairo's lens, the shapes adaptive reuse and creative industries take become clear representations of changing socioeconomic and political narratives.
... Unemployment benefit that included housing benefit -or 'the dole' as it was once called -provided a more conducive environment for many aspiring musicians (O'Rorke, 1998) and Cloonan (2002Cloonan ( , 2003 has written about the New Deal for Musicians (NDfM) scheme that operated under New Labour. Historically, rents were much less expensive in London and other urban centres when considered relative to income, and there was a developed squatting scene allowing artists to live cheaply and work on their art (Gornostaeva and Campbell, 2012). These were outside of the formal parameters of funding for the arts. ...
... Unemployment benefit that included housing benefit -or 'the dole' as it was once called -provided a more conducive environment for many aspiring musicians (O'Rorke, 1998) and Cloonan (2002Cloonan ( , 2003 has written about the New Deal for Musicians (NDfM) scheme that operated under New Labour. Historically, rents were much less expensive in London and other urban centres when considered relative to income, and there was a developed squatting scene allowing artists to live cheaply and work on their art (Gornostaeva and Campbell, 2012). These were outside of the formal parameters of funding for the arts. ...
... This is gradually realized in recent literature, starting from the creative city debate, with a critique of Florida (2002) and the departure from entrepreneurialism (Evans 2009;Grodach 2013;Peck 2005;Pratt 2011). A shift towards the grassroots emerges, with the adoption of the concept of the 'creative underclass' (Gornostaeva and Campbell 2012;Morgan and Ren 2012). As to the concept of the smart city, Schaffers, Komninos, and Pallot (2012) have pointed to its three components (socio-economic, knowledge/ institutional, and technological), and then suggested another definition, considering how people are empowered, through using technology, for contributing to urban change and realizing their ambitions. ...
This essay puts to doubt the supposed ephemerality of social movements in Mediterranean cities, focusing on Greece and discussing Spain as well. During the aftermath of anti-austerity mobilizations international networking expands, the change in values affects society, and diverse economies emerge. A new generation of digitally literate and highly educated millennials, instead of lingering in unemployment and precarity or succumbing to the brain drain, are involved in alternative and creative ventures and the Social and Solidarity Economy (SSE), facilitated by Information and Communication Technologies (ICT). On the basis of a map of solidarity structures in Attica and a two-dimensional typology of initiatives in Greece we argue that, though these ventures are vulnerable, they transform urban public spaces. Hybrid hubs of solidarity and creativity add up to affect urban landscapes towards a grassroots version of the ‘smart city’. In the 2010s, despite the crisis, and with a short-lived positive role of the state when the Left was in power, geographies of hope have been emerging in Mediterranean Europe.
