Figure 4-4 - uploaded by Brenda Kayzar
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A trolley system map provided by the Metropolitan Transit System shows the original Blue line to Mexico which was extended into Mission Valley, the Orange line loop that extends into the eastern suburbs, and the new Green line extension, connecting these two lines and forming a regional loop. To better compete with newer regional office complexes the Downtown San Diego Partnership, a center citywide BID, enrolled the CCDC to mobilize TIF revenues for fiber optic infrastructure improvements 403. By 2000 over 71,000 strand miles of fiber optic cable connected existing downtown office buildings and the resource continues to be expanded. Known as Bandwidth Bay communications connectivity is marketed by both the BID and the CCDC as an asset with enables new commercial tenants to "move in, plug in, and begin working downtown" 404 .
Source publication
Thesis (Ph. D.)-- University of California, Santa Barbara and San Diego State University, 2006. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 257-273).
Citations
... While substantial attention has been paid to urban human settlements [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8], it is increasingly accepted that rural areas should also be considered since rural human settlements are also crucial components of the human settlement system [9][10][11][12][13][14][15][16][17]. In the rural system, rural human settlements are a complex combination of physical and nonphysical substances essential for supporting farmers' daily lives [18][19][20][21]. ...
... It has been proven that studies focusing on resident satisfaction have greatly deepened and expanded the concept and content of rural human settlements [22]. The evaluation of public feedback based on farmers' satisfaction is an important way to understand the current situation of rural human settlements [2,3]. It reflects the perception of local farmers and, thus, can be a guidance for the construction of human settlements that are most likely to respond to their needs. ...
Rural human settlements are an integral part of a rural system. The evaluation of public feedback based on farmers’ satisfaction is a crucial way to understand the current situation of rural human settlements. This paper establishes a framework to evaluate local dwellers’ satisfaction towards the environment of rural human settlements in northwest China from six dimensions involving living conditions, the environment, physical infrastructure, public service, governance, and culture. The empirical study was conducted in Yanchi County, which demonstrates the applicability of this evaluating method. This study shows that the overall degree of satisfaction towards the environment of rural human settlements is relatively high, with a figure of 77.38. However, the satisfaction scores for the six dimensions are uneven, and there are significant differences between the villages. Further, these villages can be divided into three types according to the residents’ satisfaction, and viable strategies are suggested correspondingly. To sustain rural settlement development, the authors argue that more efforts should be put into technology advancement, public participation incentives, and the subsequent maintenance of projects in the long run.
... In the post-war period, the success of the suburban idea, in the form of "exclusion of the alien," combined with the increasing industrialization of the inner-city, coincident decline of the city-center (CCDC 2015, 1.12), and decay of the built environment (Kühne 2017, 23-24;Norris 1983, n. p.) began to undermine the reputation of the inner-ring suburbs and consolidate socio-economic boundaries. At the same time, strong growth took place on the periphery, with new residential and work centers emerging, and increasing functional differentiation (Ervin 2007;Kayzar 2006;Kühne 2012Roßmeier 2019). Images of derelict downtown neighborhoods contrasted with idealized scenic communities beyond the inner-city. ...
In recent years, far-reaching urbanization and gentrification processes have been taking place in and around downtown San Diego. These have been accompanied not just by structural upheavals, but by social changes that still await in-depth analysis. In the context of San Diego’s inner-city redevelopment, urban research can profit from a border-theoretical approach, initiating a geography of urban boundaries focused on change processes and the redrawing, shifting, and dissolution of boundaries. Although urban neighborhoods are particularly characterized by differentiation, ambiguity, and fragmentation, border-theoretical findings have rarely been applied on this level. Against this background, the article traces processes of social “ordering” and “othering,” and the shifting of individual-subjective demarcations in the inner-ring suburbs of San Diego—the former warehouse district East Village and the adjacent Mexican-American community neighborhood Barrio Logan. A methodological triangulation of interviews, participatory observations, and cartographic and photographic visualizations illustrates the outward thrust and adaption of multi-dimensional boundaries between the downtown area and the urbanizing first ring—phenomena of what we have called “hybrid urban borderlands.” Aimed primarily at creating a wider understanding of urbanization processes in San Diego’s inner-ring, our project opens up further differentiations in the field of border studies across its disciplinary boundary to urban research.
... San Diego, California, offers another example. In the early 20th century, Italian fishermen and their families lived in an ethnic enclave, but this neighborhood was largely destroyed by 1962 with the completion of an urban renewal-era highway through the neighborhood [34,35]. The area continued to decline until the 1990s, when the city invested money into branding the area as Little Italy, which included installing a large, metal "Little Italy" street sign and building Amici Park [23]. ...
This literature review examines the changing roles of ethnic enclaves, the question of their authenticity, and their value as commodified spaces, giving special attention to Little Italy neighborhoods in the United States. Understanding the roles of ethnic enclaves requires some understanding about immigrants' identities. For some theorists, immigrants become blended into society over the course of generations; for other theorists, descendants of immigrants sometimes retain their cultural heritage and traits, helping form a multicultural or pluralist society. In the traditional sense, ethnic enclaves consist of both ethnic residents and ethnic businesses (such as restaurants, shops, and grocers). One way that ethnic enclaves change is when the area experiences a demographic shift, and people from outside the ethnic group move their residences and businesses to the neighborhood, resulting in the area becoming diversified in people and businesses. A second way that an ethnic enclave changes is when the ethnic group shrinks, but the shops and other businesses remain, resulting in the area becoming diversified in residents but not businesses. This latter situation may encourage commodification of the neighborhood's ethnic identity, where a municipality or business association seeks to preserve an enclave's ethnic reputation for tourism purposes. This commodification has implications for many individuals and groups within the enclave as well as outside of it.
... San Diego, California, offers another example. In the early 20 th century, Italian fishermen and their families lived in an ethnic enclave, but this neighborhood was largely destroyed by 1962 with the completion of an urban renewal-era highway through the neighborhood (Kayzar, 2007;Ford, Klevisser, and Carli, 2008). The area continued to decline until the 1990s, when the city invested money into branding the area as Little Italy, which included installing a large, metal "Little Italy" street sign and building Amici Park (Ford, Klevisser, and Carli, 2008). ...
... African-American neighborhoods were excluded from this study, the variable of Renewal (Ford, Klevisser, and Carli, 2008;Halter, 2007;Kayzar, 2007), The Hill at first glance appears to be surviving as a traditional Italian ethnic enclave. In other words, this neighborhood does not seem to be experiencing the tourism, condominium-building, and branding of the ethnic identity that is seen in other Italian ethnic enclaves. ...
... Despite touted revitalization successes, there are several elements of the live, work, and play planning goal for downtown that are failing to meet the expectations of center city investors and proponents. Th e CCDC has found it diffi cult to foster a good jobs-to-housing match, and throughout the downtown, the burgeoning neighborhoods lack retail and recreational spaces that fulfi ll the needs of residents (Kayzar 2007). A high percentage of the downtown housing units are occupied as vacation and second homes, which limits the potential for a consistently vibrant street life. ...
... Photograph by author. government complex did not foster an infl ux of new private capital into East Village, nor does it appear to have been perceived as a catalyst for ancillary development (Kayzar 2007). ...
The falloff in investment in the blocks adjacent to Petco Park, downtown San Diego’s most recently completed catalyst project, could be attributed to the current national housing market downturn. A number of proposed residential condominium projects have been placed on hold in the East Village neighborhood where the ballpark is located. The nearly one-block long homeless shelter tent erected on one of the ballpark’s surface parking lots, however, suggests an undoing rather than an interruption in investment. The tent’s location is representative of the conflicting frontier of growth and frontier outlet roles the East Village neighborhood plays within the region. This article establishes the context for various decisions made pertaining to land use and investment in the neighborhood, and demonstrates how the inability to fully recognize and reconcile the impacts of the historic frontier outlet legacy enables the perpetual undoing of investment gains within the community.
With its close and entangled everyday life ties across the U.S.-Mexico border, the international borderland of San Diego-Tijuana is home to more than 5 million inhabitants. As the largest western cross-border metropolitan region, it stretches over 6,200 square miles (roughly 16,058 square kilometer) from the military base Camp Pendleton and the City of Oceanside in the northwest, the mountain town of Julian in the northeast over the central and southern jurisdictions of San Diego County and the three Mexican municipalities of Tijuana, Playas de Rosarito in the southwest, and Tecate in the southeast (Herzog and Sohn,.Territory, Politics, Governance 7:177–199, 2017). Beyond the particularly strong ‘bottom-up’ networks—the social connections and organizations—the physically bordered region is locally tied together through ‘top-down’ structures—multilevel cross-border governance approaches and guidelines as well as an array of planning institutions—that deal with the shared natural environment, markets, production and manufacturing relations, as well as with tourism in the popular and rapidly growing region.
After the outline of the historical milestones and guiding developments of the City of San Diego, the empirical results of the present study will be presented in the course of the following chapter. Within the aim of illuminating subjective everyday experiences and interpretations of neighborhood change, the chapter follows the spatial pattern of the elaborated ‘redevelopment moving gradually through the various districts of central San Diego. This trend has commenced in downtown and Little Italy and gained momentum in Uptown San Diego, spread into North Park and from there eastward into the Mid-City community as well as southward into the Greater Golden Hill area, and penetrated from the former downtown warehouse district of East Village into adjacent neighborhoods, such as Barrio Logan and Southeastern San Diego, and now even further south and east into the next ring. Generally, the individual subsections follow the structure of planning policy boundaries around Balboa Park, which form different community planning areas and associated neighborhoods.
As extensive privately driven development efforts in Downtown San Diego started to cross its southeastern boundaries in the early 2000s, the former industrial sites and inner-ring suburbs East Village and Barrio Logan were facing fundamental urbanization and infill processes. Within these developments functional restructuring, new uses and reutilizations, symbolic charges and staging took place. In this context the present article uses a poststructuralist, discourse theoretical-oriented Google image analysis to examine the question to which extent the medial, pictorial representations of the neighborhoods East Village and Barrio Logan are characterized by similar motifs and thus lead to discursive determinations of meaning and the creation of neighborhood images. The analysis revealed clearly different medial representations of the two neighborhoods which testify to regularities, recurring argumentations, and certain breaks, as well as heterogeneities: While the pictorial representations of East Village strengthen a rather clear image of an upmarket, urban environment for young professionals, Barrio Logan obtains a plural and diverse image of drastic upheavals in a pastiche-like, hybrid manner.
Im vorliegenden Artikel wird innerhalb einer Untersuchung der jüngeren Downtown-Erweiterung San Diegos (Südkalifornien) mit einem grenztheoretischen Blick auf Hybridität ein alternativer Zugang zu Aspekten von räumlicher Teilhabe und der Wahrnehmung von Ausgrenzung und Verdrängung erarbeitet. Dabei werden die Neubau- und Sanierungsmaßnahmen in den innenstadtnahen Nachbarschaften East Village und Barrio Logan in den übergeordneten Prozess einer Stadtlandhybridisierung eingeordnet, in welchem binäre Abgrenzungen des Einen vom Anderen, des Innerstädtischen vom Suburbanen zugunsten hybrider Ausdifferenzierungen an Präzision und Gültigkeit verlieren. Im Zuge der Nachverdichtung brechen tradierte Ordnungen im Gegenüber von Zentrum und Rand auf, die innerstädtischen Grenzen verschwimmen und lassen sich als hybrid urban borderlands fassen. Diesen Umbrüchen wurde in der vorliegenden Analyse mithilfe eines sozialkonstruktivistischen, multimethodischen Zugangs begegnet, wobei nicht nur die Verschiebung physischer Grenzziehungen betrachtet wurde, sondern insbesondere auch die Prozesse gesellschaftlicher Distinktionen im Fokus standen. Dabei zeigte sich einerseits, dass die alltagsweltlichen Grenzziehungen individuell und in Teilen unabhängig von physischen Grenzlinien wie Highways und Canyons gezogen werden. Andererseits wurde deutlich, dass die konstruierten Grenzen im Zuge räumlicher sowie gesellschaftlicher Transformationsprozesse stets aktualisiert werden, sich verschieben und überlagern und letztlich zu hybriden Übergangsbereichen aufschwemmen.
Ethnic neighborhoods have long been used to facilitate urban revitalization in older, inner-city neighborhoods in American cities, but this strategy is much less common in European cities. This is especially surprising because immigrants make up a significant percentage of the population in a large number of those cities. This article explores the role that a largely invented Little Italy has played in revitalizing a section of downtown San Diego in contrast to the difficulty of creating such districts in European cities. The question posed here is, Will this contrast in approaches and outcomes remain indefinitely, or will the use of ethnically themed revitalization strategies become more alike as globalization and the expansion of the European Union serve to lessen historic ethnic tensions and increase the number of distinctive immigrant districts in Europe?
