TABLE 4 - uploaded by Byron D Orey
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This chapter traces the evolution of African American electoral participation and characterizes the political behavior that it has generated for this racialized community. First, the chapter examines this community's behavior relative to the various political parties, the standard vehicles through which electoral participation is executed. It then...
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Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) have become an integral part of many electoral campaigns in modern democracies. VAAs allow users to compare, on the Internet, their political preferences with the positions of parties and candidates prior to an election. In recent elections in Switzerland, the Netherlands, and Germany, more than a quarter of the re...
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... Their behaviour stops being exact reflection of adults' and becomes a purposeful actions which indicates intentional manipulation of surrounding objects [49]. beliefs which dominate in their respective groups such as: family, school, companies, social and political organizations or public institutions [52][53][54][55][56][57][58][59]. ...
In this article we analyse one of the most fascinating paradoxes of mass politics. Based on the data from the studies of neurobiologists, neurologists, social psychology, cognitive and evolution studies we answer the question specified in literature as the Simon’s puzzle: How is it possible that citizens have their opinions about politics, if they know so little about it? We began our analysis from the criticism of the economic rationality approach. To do this, we referred to the Allais paradox, cognitive dissonance theory, Ellsberg paradox, the concept of bounded rationality, conjunction fallacy and prospect theory. Next, we described the evolutionary processes shaping the minds of Homo sapiens and characterised cognitive mechanisms, thanks to which people can make political choices, especially in view of the shortage of time and information. The following heuristics are referred to herein: affect, recognition, judgment and imitation.
... Este estudio contribuye a una creciente literatura destinada a abordar algunas de las deficiencias de la investigación existente sobre los partidos políticos. Los estudios recientes han empezado a concentrarse en la base territorial del voto (Caramani 2004), la interacción entre el cambio institucional y la forma territorial del sistema de partidos (Chhibber Kollman y 2004), y la forma en que los partidos políticos de ámbito estatal responden a la descentralización organizativa (Roller y Van Houten, 2003; Maddens y Swenden, 2008). Hay también numerosos estudios sobre partidos de ámbito no estatal (PANE) en territorios donde existe una demanda de mayor autogobierno (Molas, 1977, Seiler, 1982 Dewinter, 1995; Müller-Rommel y Pridham 1991; De Winter y Tursan, 1998; Delwit , 2005; De Winter, Gómez-Reino y Lynch, 2006). ...
... Esta comparación limitada tiene la ventaja de permitir un tratamiento más en profundidad de la evidencia empírica disponible, pero la desventaja de no poder extraer grandes generalizaciones de sus hallazgos debido al pequeño tamaño de la muestra. La conclusión más clara que puede ser extraída de la evaluación de estos dos casos es que la aparición, persistencia y/o crecimiento de los PANE no parecen corresponder a ninguna de las dos interpretaciones recientes más importantes de la dimensión territorial del partido democrático sistemas (Caramani, 2004; Chhibber y Kollman, 2004). Ni en España ni en el Reino Unido el desarrollo de su sistema de partidos, al menos por el momento, corresponden a un progresivo proceso de nacionalización de la conducta de voto. ...
El objetivo de este papel es analizar en términos comparados las estrategias multi-nivel de los Partidos de Ámbito no Estatal (PANE) y su impacto en los sistemas de partidos y la gobernabilidad de España y el Reino Unido. Ambos casos proporcionan información para examinar la validez de algunos de los trabajos más relevantes (Caramani, 2004; Chhibber y Kollman, 2004) la sobre la dimensión territorial de los sistemas de partidos en las democracias occidentales. La comparación se centra en tres niveles: el nacional, el regional y las posibles interacciones entre ambos. Los resultados no parecen corresponderse con ninguna de las interpretaciones mostrando una realidad más compleja de lo esperado.
• Background This project has as its starting point a critique o f the existing literature on decentralization and territorial politics. Much pre vious research on the 'territorial question' in contemporary European states has tende d to focus on the formal changes to the administration structure of the state inhere nt in decentralization reforms, and/or the political movements demanding greater self-government or independence for historically or culturally distinctive territories within European national states. We found this literature lacking in two respects. Firs t, analysis of the formal institutional dimension of decentralization reform often pays lit tle attention to the political dynamics involved in governing a decentralized stat e, and in particular, ignores or understates the decisive role of political parties. Second, to the extent that political parties have been a focus of studies of territorial politics, researchers have often privileged analysis of small nationalist or regiona list parties demanding decentralization, and scarce attention has been pai d to the major statewide political parties which, almost everywhere in the advanced world, dominate representative institutions at both state and sub-state level. We therefore proposed to place statewide political parties at the centre of our analysis of decentralization processes in Western E urope. By doing so, as well as filling a clear lacuna in the existing state of kno wledge of territorial politics, we also hoped to address two broad debates. First, the stud y of party politics has recently been dominated by concerns that parties are no long er organizationally capable of fulfilling their traditional role as a 'transmissio n belt' of social demands into the institutions of government. We set out to assess ho w this trend towards party organizational decline affected, and was affected b y, processes political decentralization. Second, discussion of decentraliz ation in Western Europe, particularly in the UK and Spain, has often revolve d around the impact of institutional reforms on the unity of the state. By focusing on t he role of state-wide parties explicitly committed to maintaining the unity of th e state, we hoped to shed new light on the political future of plurinational states in Europe. These concerns emerged from the comparative research on political parties previ ously carried out, particularly by Hopkin and van Biezen who had already made significant contributions to debates on organizational change in political parties in the U nited Kingdom, Italy and Spain.
The determinants of the distinct levels of party vertical integration and their influence on internal factions' strategies have been certainly understudied so far, and those few works attempting to do it have focused on statewide political parties. Here we claim that party organization eventually affects the behavior of internal factions, so that factionalism will have a more territorial character in parties with low levels of vertical integration than in the rest. This argument is then illustrated with empirical evidence from one non-statewide party: the Basque Nationalist Party. Los determinantes de los niveles de integración vertical en los partidos políticos y su influencia sobre las estrategias de las facciones internas de los partidos han sido poco estudiados en la literatura, y los pocos trabajos que lo han hecho se han centrado en partidos de ámbito estatal. Aquí argumentamos que la organización de los partidos afecta de forma definitiva al comportamiento de las facciones internas, de tal forma que el faccionalismo tendrá un carácter más territorializado en partidos con bajos niveles de integración. Para ilustrar esta hipótesis, empleamos la evidencia empírica de un partido de ámbito no estatal (PANE): el Partido Nacionalista Vasco.
